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21世紀:講鬼講怪

在這科學和科技皆發達的二十一世紀談論鬼怪,照常理聽起來應該是挺愚昧的,但事實上到底是如此嗎?根據 2020 年皮尤研究中心的調查,估計只有 16% 全球人口將自己視為是無神論者或不可知論者,也就是說,世界上84%的人口 或65.5億人都有某宗教信仰。從這些數字可以看出,不信鬼神的人是事實上是佔少數。更何況,人嘛,大多數攏口不對心,人前人後表裡不一,嘴講佮心想的嘛三不五時無仝款。說不相信鬼神的人當真不相信嗎?

泰國是少數幾個製作最好恐怖電影的國家之一,然而,對鬼神信仰並不是泰國獨有的,相反,它是大多數文化的基石。YouGov 在 2019 年 10 月進行的一項民意調查發現,至少 45% 的美國人相信鬼怪,而 2014 年 10 月進行的一項類似民意調查發現,至少34% 的英國人也相信鬼怪,而且這些數字在 35 歲以下人群中正在不停穩步上升。過去 10 年進行的其他調查也顯示,68% 45 歲以下的新加坡人都相信鬼怪,而相比之下,幾乎每個泰國人和台灣人都深信鬼怪。 然而,鬼神的存在與否和其有效性是真實還是純粹迷信,該由你本人形成自己的觀點,因為這畢竟是你自己的個人信仰和經歷,除了你自己之外,沒有其他人可以代發任何聲明。

21世紀鬼神信仰到底要如何衡量?

在科技發達的 21 世紀,鬼神信仰到底要如何衡量? 有許多佛教學者拒絕精靈相關的問題,他們認為生死輪迴是瞬間的事,也就是說,當一個人臨死的那一刻,呼吸他最後一口氣時,他的“心”立即找到了一個受其思想制約的【身體】。同樣也有其他佛教學者聲稱,投生於不同的存在位面,都是在心中,也就是說,投生直到覺悟都是在一個生命循環中完成的,實際上根本沒有真正的投生或輪迴的存在。

我們不確定他們命題的前提,我們沒有在任何佛經中找到可支持以上的兩種聲稱,更別說是佛陀的教誨。 然而,我們觀察到的是,這兩個命題有一個共同的名稱,在心理學中,稱為“思想流”。 第一個命題可以定義為【幻想】,第二個命題可以定義為【白日夢】。 如果這樣的命題在佛教中具有任何實際性,那麼理解四聖諦、緣起論、業力法則和修行八正道將不可避免地都成為浪費時間和一種嘲弄。 可不是嗎? 佛教面對死亡的精髓是戰勝對未知的恐懼,而不幸的是,上述兩種命題皆通過形成一條逃生路線來面對死亡和輪迴所帶來的未知、恐懼和焦慮。當然,這條逃生路線要為人容易接受自然就得接近舒適區,就像幻想和白日夢一樣輕鬆愉快。 嗨!歹勢,那根本就不是佛學、佛理,講卡歹聽,這簡直是一種病態!

科學能解釋一切嗎?

從第 33 頻道放映的曼谷鬼故事中提取的照片

科學家們試圖根據大腦中的錯誤活動來揭穿和解釋超自然現象的經歷。 他們通常將這種經歷歸因於某種形式的神經創傷,例如,物體自身移動可能與大腦視覺處理中心特定區域(稱為枕葉)的某些故障有關; 某些形式的癲癇,一種中樞神經系統疾病,可能會引起幽靈般的感覺,例如看不見的存在; 疲勞、藥物、酒精和燈光效果的任何組合也可能導致單一和孤立的超自然遭遇體驗。 這些科學教條可能有些道理,但未必完全是正確的。

如果沒有檢測到腦損傷又怎樣? 那麼它一定是某種形式的認知或情緒障礙,否則,答案一定是【起痟】。這些科學協議受到機構的熱心保護,但同時卻犧牲了經歷超自然活動的人們的福祉。因為害怕被污名化並致力於某些精神病院,經歷超自然活動的人顯然不敢坦誠。但是,話又得說回來,在多數的情況下,所謂的超自然活動經歷確實屬於某種精神或心裡的問題,但因為上訴原因或一般迷信因素,許多人求助於非醫療途徑,因此,往往上了一些神棍的當。在醫療和宗教幫助之間必須有一個正確的平衡,這一切都體現在從業者的道德規範上。

心理學所谓的防護罩

研究宗教的心理學家利用和擴展了弗洛伊德的【防護罩】概念來解釋對神靈的信仰。防護罩的作用是作為個人外部世界和內部世界之間的動態屏障,以及將那些無法控制的事物歸咎於某些可以統稱為迷信的虛幻力量的心態。 例如,尋求神明的幫助以確保工作; 祈求愛人早日康復; 或佩戴神聖物品以增強魅力等。

別忘了,科學是一個學習和發現的過程,並且已經一次又一次地證明,最初被認為是科學正確和結論性的事物,在幾十年後卻變成了錯誤的判斷。讓我們以優生學為例吧! 在過去,在某種程度上,即使是現在,有部分的學者都認為智力是遺傳的,但根據科學本身的標準,經證明優生學在科學上是有缺陷的,且是毫無意義的。 真正影響一個正常人的智力因素,最重要的是環境。 那為什麼有些學者還堅持和宣傳這樣的錯誤信念呢? 答案很明顯,不是嗎? 這一切都歸結為政治和歧視。 如果您相信優生學,那麼您自然也該讚美納粹主義。 在這種情況下,究竟是誰拿著防護罩呢?

相信科學知道一切,就像它要反駁的東西一樣的迷信。如霍金和溫伯格所設想的那樣,認為科學是終極的啟示和無所不知的信念,終結了所有的啟示,但是,迄今為止,那只不過是科學幻想的幻影。若認為科學是絶對真實和永恆的,這信念從一開始就是自我挫敗的。我們發表此聲明不是因為我們是泰國佛教徒且認同無常定理,而是因為事實上,生命的各個方面都不是永恆的。

我們必須記住,科學不是一個結論,而僅僅是從人類有限知識中得出的近似值。即使是目前對宇宙的認識,連同其中所形成的規律和邏輯,也只是沒有定論的科學猜測,正如牛頓的引力理論並不能解釋水星軌道的進動一樣。為了彌補科學缺陷,科學家便把咎歸於一個假設的行星名稱火神上。到目前為止,對於這些科學家來說,火神星仍然是環繞著太陽系運行的無所不能的【精靈】。火神星的存在就像鬼魂一樣,在科學上是無法證明或證偽的,至少以人類目前的科技和知識是無法證明的。

現代泰國与自然靈體

儘管如此,在這篇文章中,我們將不談論鬼,而是要探索泰國人所謂的“維亞塔瑪查”即自然靈體。在我們之前的文章“瞭解泰國佛教”中,我們簡要地提及[夜叉]的方式談到了這個話題。當然,有無數人已經並將繼續爭辯說,[夜叉]是印度教加詞,而非佛教鬼神類別。然而,儘管佛教和印度教之間的夜叉信仰有重疊,但上述主張實際上是有缺陷和不真實的,因為自然靈體信仰的起源,早於我們目前所知的任何宗教傳統之先。從東方到西方,幾乎所有原始文明和社會都發現了自然靈體信仰跡象。 現今,對於自然靈體信仰不一致的觀點皆可歸因於各方在宇宙論、本體論和認識論方法上的差異。

自然靈體信仰沒有官方名稱,但泰國人將其描述為【薩薩那批】”或【鬼宗教】。儘管如此,本文不打算深入探討自然靈體信仰的起源,但在此足以說明,根據 藏經、拉塔納經 和 阿塔納提亞經中的 摩訶尼德薩篇,自然靈體或【夜叉】的概念本身構成了佛教的一部分。當我們談論泰國上部座佛教中的【夜叉】時,幾乎很自然地,大多數人會誤以為它指的僅是泰國寺廟中常見的12尊【雅克】守護神。在這 12尊【雅克】守護神中,最著名的是 【帕雅雅克投薩刊】。然而,事實是,在泰國上部座佛教中,【夜叉】指的不是特定類別的神靈,而是一個非常廣泛且龐大的自然鬼神團體。這些鬼神存在於水、土、樹、石頭、山脈、洞穴等中,他們可以像一些守護神一樣善良和仁慈,也可以頑皮、任性、甚至徹底如同惡魔般邪惡。由於他們不同的特徵和個性,他們通常被稱為【阿曼努煞】,可以是神靈、鬼魂、鬼怪、惡魔或魔鬼。

在本文中,我們不會進行探索廣泛的自然靈體,而只關注【南脈】即樹精一項。 【南脈】可以是居住在大樹,尤其是古樹中的神靈、精靈、鬼魂、或惡魔。 換句話說,【南脈】居住的樹木被視為它們的家園,因此它們會保護自己的家園不被人類破壞。 當人類篡改或有意砍伐被【南脈】佔居的樹木時,它們就不得不展示自己的力量,讓人們知道他們的存在,以警告和阻止人們破壞他們的家園。 各國都有流傳著無數樹精的故事,人們在砍伐了一些傳說中被樹精【附身】的樹木後,一般都生病、發瘋甚至死亡。

精可以是雄性也可以是雌性,但在泰國,它通常被描繪成一個美麗的年輕女子,頭髮齊肩,身著傳統服飾,肩披帶有【薩拜】。 沒有闡明雄性樹精的原因可能與性別之間性慾的抑制立場有關。 【南脈】的故事和電影通常以某種性關係為中心,因此在泰國這樣的父系制度社會中,刺激女性性幻想是一種禁忌。 所以,本文將撇開性和性別歧視的話題,繼續依照一般假設把樹精當作都是雌性的。

【湄塔潛】:法力強大的樹精

據說塔潛樹高可達45米,樹幹根部直徑可達4.5米寬。 一些 數百年的老塔潛樹, 蔓延高大的樹幹總是給人一種陰森恐怖的感覺,傳說這些老塔潛樹裡面居住的非神既鬼怪。 泰國人深信 塔潛樹通常都被某靈體佔有, 如果樹幹滲出的汁液越多,便更有可能有靈體附居在裡面。 泰國人稱居住在 塔潛樹中的靈體為【湄塔潛】或 【南塔潛】。

湄塔潛是一種法力非常強大的自然靈體,它可以帶來祝福或造成嚴重的災難。據說,湄塔潛通常是一位長髮美女,身著長袍,像古代泰國女人一樣,但有時也可能以典型的鄉村小女孩外觀出現,天真無邪,甜美迷人。泰國人深信在一棵非常古老的塔潛樹中肯定會有一個湄塔潛居住在裡面。因此,湄塔潛不是一個單一的實體,而是多個個體的靈體,憑藉這一點,它們的特徵變得多樣化和不可預測。

到底是否每棵塔潛樹都有一個靈體?沒有人可以肯定,但是要砍伐一棵塔潛樹,尤其是一棵幾十年以上的塔潛樹,砍伐者通常必須執行一個儀式,要求湄塔潛搬遷到一個新的地方去。砍伐塔潛樹而不進行這種儀式的人通常會受到懲罰,他們不是疾病、就是精神錯亂,有的甚至暴斃。相反的,對於那些表現出尊重的人,湄塔】通常會賜給他們好運和財富。由於 湄塔潛喜怒無常的本性,很難將她描述為固定的神靈或鬼怪,因此,在泰國上部坐佛教來說,一般都使用【阿曼努煞】一詞來形容它。

儘管人們對塔潛樹樹相關的信念、恐懼、心理與精神上的負擔,但這些因素不足以阻止人類欲砍伐和使用耐日曬雨淋的塔潛樹,特別是用於建造獨木舟。對於獨木舟的建造者來說,他們通常在砍伐一棵塔潛樹的前後都會舉行隆重的祭拜儀式。每完成一艘木舟,他們又會進行另一項特殊的儀式,以便湄塔潛將她的身份轉變為獨木舟的守護者即【湄亞南】。

不知是炫富還是基於莫種意願,有些人偏偏採用塔潛樹做房子的主柱。然而,報紙上卻有很多報導說,有許多案子,油不斷從塔潛樹製成的柱子滲出。那些柱子被稱為“油德柱”。據信油從塔潛樹製成的柱子滲出代表著湄塔潛不滿而哭泣的現象。一旦房主急忙以宏偉的方式向每根柱子祭拜,油就會停止滲出。而對於那些忽視預兆的房主來說,住在房子裡的成員就會開始無端生病並終死亡。問題是,為什麼一定要讓湄塔潛作為家中的支柱呢?

在紅通省沙灣區 實布爾通分區的 瓦橋卡昌佛寺內,有一尊高 5 米、半徑 1.5 米寬的塔潛木雕像,塑像一位身著傳統蘭納泰族服飾、飾有 闢克悟花卉圖案和精美珠寶的婦女。根據寺廟方丈 帕庫•維文•沃拉佤的說法,供奉在寺廟亭閣中的雕像被稱為【湄•橋•帕凱通】或【昭湄塔潛】。它是由分區行政組織從 實布爾通池塘中發現的塔潛木所雕刻而成,木材年齡可追溯到 德瓦拉瓦蒂時期。請注意,一旦被僧侶開光並供奉在寺廟中,湄塔潛的地位就會從【阿曼努煞】提升為【昭】即天神。

用塔潛木製成的聖物

泰國人相信塔潛木本身具有天然磁場,許多由塔潛木雕刻而成的聖物被認為具有強大神秘力量,故備受追捧。 在佛曆 2550 年,沙木沙空府孟沙木沙空縣塔查洛姆區的瓦蘇提佤瓦拉南佛寺【瓦崇隆】製作並開光了一批佛牌,這些佛牌是用在其寺廟中挖掘所得的古代塔潛木材雕刻而成的。

同時,也有其他佛寺用塔潛木製作並開光各種佛牌。例如,在佛曆 2551 年,瓦農博佛寺製作並開光了一批神僧鑾波德恩的佛牌。

在我們之前的文章[蛇靈大師:龍波普]中,我們曾介紹過由前瓦康班帕佛寺前主持龍波普採用塔潛木製成並開光的[帕雅鐸]佛牌。

除了供奉於紅通省沙灣區實布爾通分區瓦橋卡昌佛寺的【湄塔潛】雕像外,如果您向東北方向行駛約 548 公里(從曼谷出發約 7-8 個小時),到達四色菊府的甫信縣,再往瓦般泰塔翁佛寺,您會發現 3 尊由該佛寺住持龍波文松•帕耙苟採用從寺廟的大院中挖掘出來的塔潛木親手雕製而成的巨大的神像。

於佛曆2554 年發掘的第一棵 塔潛樹被該佛寺住持龍波文松•帕耙苟親手雕刻成 【趙湄塔潛】 雕像,也稱為 【娘•橋•葩屯】。 後於佛曆2562 年,村民又在池塘中發現了第二棵塔潛 樹幹, 然而,村民們連續 七 天試圖將樹幹吊起來,但卻沒有成功。 因此,他們邀請龍波文松舉辦了一個儀式,向 【湄塔潛】呈上供品和祈禱,徵求湄塔潛同意後,樹幹便成功被吊起。

村民發現從池塘吊起來的塔潛木樹幹有被火燒燬的跡象,推測可能在落水前被雷擊重過,因此樹幹表面非常粗糙。 龍波文松 建議將樹幹雕刻成 14 米長、1 米寬的 鱷魚神,將粗糙的表面變成 帕亞•喬•拉赫 堅硬的鱗片。 帕亞•喬•拉赫 被命名為【阿拉卡當】,據信信徒從鱷魚神嘴裡走進,再從它的尾部走出來,將有助於驅散所有不好的元素並帶來好運。

邵•維蘇萬雕像高約9米,底座寬約5米。 他的右手拿著一根帶有狗頭的法杖,左手拿著一個發光的球體。 邵•維蘇萬也被稱為【帕松坡】,是所有惡魔的將軍。 他是人類世界的四大天王之一,居住北天,東天有邵•投特 或【帕尹】即持國天王,南天有邵•威閠哈克或【帕雍】即增長天王,還有邵•威儒帕克或【帕瓦倫】即廣目天王鎮守西天。

南塔尼:弓蕉鬼

當我們談論【弓蕉鬼】時,泰國、馬來西亞、新加坡和印度尼西亞都有類似的故事。 在泰國,弓蕉鬼被稱為【皮塔尼】或【南塔尼】,是一種自然之鬼魅,而在馬來西亞和新加坡,印度尼西亞則分別稱為【彭啼阿娜】和【昆啼阿娜】,指的是 附在香蕉樹的鬼魂,多數是不幸死去的孕婦鬼魂。 無論是先天還是後天所致,弓蕉鬼都不過是一些鬼魅之類。

根據泰國青年百科全書第 13 卷,【南塔尼】 的定義如下:

【香蕉樹是老一輩人熟知的 拍南塔尼的聚集地。 相傳,其面容清秀,身姿芬芳,長髮飄飄,手心淡紅,腳底似鴿,嘴唇是成熟葫蘆的顏色。 如果香蕉有豐滿的莖,那麼  拍南塔尼的身材也會很豐滿; 如果有一個透明的樹幹,那麼  拍南塔尼的身材就會很苗條。】

因為 南塔尼是鬼魅之類,所以泰國人不在家附近種植 【塔尼】香蕉樹。 在切割塔尼香蕉葉來使用時,也有一定的規則要遵守。 禁止切斷包括假莖在內的整片葉子, 要嘛只修剪香蕉葉,要不只切斷中肋,使假莖和明顯的樹幹完好無損。 若切斷假莖和/或明顯樹乾就像切入 南塔尼的房子, 那是不祥之兆,家裡很快就會有人死亡。 這似乎是依據使用三片香蕉葉支撐棺材底部的古老格言所演變而成的傳說, 現在已經很少人會用香蕉葉壓棺底了,最多也只在棺蓋頂部使用香蕉葉工藝品。

弓蕉鬼巫術:被主流鄙視的低級作為

在某些地方,出於各種原因,有些人會舉行儀式來安撫 南塔尼。 使用的物品包括白絲、豬頭、甜味菜餚、米飯、鮮花、香燭、香水和各種香料,如檀香等。在香蕉花上綁上戒指和金項鍊作為裝飾品,後在香蕉樹幹上纏著一塊紅布。 通常,儀式是要求南塔尼不要傷害而反過來保護房子裡的人獲得好運。 有時也會有人邀請僧侶為 南塔尼祈禱並做功德。

然而,有些不道德的巫師將相信有南塔尼居住的香蕉樹上的花採摘下來,在陽光下曬乾,然後研磨成粉末並與誦過經的粉末混合,用來迷惑人。 有時,巫師也會將香蕉花粉放入蜂蜜和/或口紅中讓一些人用以吸引異性。

召喚南塔尼的手法真是千奇百怪,有的更是低級到令人唾棄。最可悲的是歪曲了傳統宋卡人與精靈樹結合的儀式。據說,一個知道 南塔尼存在於某棵香蕉樹上的單身漢,每天晚上到那棵樹前,用他的生殖器在那棵香蕉樹的根部摩擦,同時對 南塔尼說一些調情的話,直到她被喚醒時,拿刀將香蕉樹的根部切開根莖,將該根莖雕刻成一個女人的雕像,然後放在一個木製的容器裡,連續幾天,每天早晚都要供養和誦經,直到南塔尼的鬼魂出現在他的夢中,該男子將娶南塔尼為妻,她將反過來幫助他繁榮昌盛。這種做法對一些心術不正之徒具有相當吸引力,但他們卻不知自己的無知背後附有什麼代價。據泰國智慧寶庫記載,“鬼南塔尼喜歡勾引男人,嫉妒心極強。如果一個與她發生性關係的男人和另一個女人發生性關係,南塔尼會立即跟隨並在嫉妒的憤怒下折斷那個男人的脖子。”

我們留意到各種各樣的南塔尼術品在互聯網上已經流傳了好一段時間,但在泰國佛教領域中卻從未見過有如此之術品。 對於我們詢問的眾多泰國人來說,他們和我們一樣感到困惑和好笑。 他們皆說,沒有一個心智正常的泰國人會佩戴鬼一類的術品,相反,如果一個親近的人被懷疑是【玩鬼】的話,他們通常會邀請僧侶或【摩皮】來幫助終止這種背德行為和關係,並將功德迴向給南塔尼,願她能安息。 此外,鬼魂的行動範圍是被限制在發現它們的特定區域內,它們不能自由地從一個地方移動到另一個地方, 例如,即使鄰居家鬧鬼,鬼也不能鬧到你家唉!所以,南塔尼又如何能陪人們到處趴趴走呢?

根據我們向多位神靈派高德的求教,他們都一致說,這種低級物品有違泰國上部座佛教概念和精神,一般都是奸商專門為不懂泰國佛教的外國人特意製作的產品。這類東西在泰國本土沒有市場 . 對泰國人來說,佛教不僅是一種宗教,更是一種生活方式, 所以大多數泰國人都瞭解業力法則,他們瞭解由“齊塔納”(巴利文【意圖】的意思)驅動的行為將導致未來的後果。 換句話說,每一個行為都有代價,也是今生和輪迴中重生的決定因素。 玩弄低等物只會導致這一生的不詳結局,如果不是悲劇的話,故為泰國佛教徒不取之。

那麼佩戴【弓蕉鬼】到底有多靈驗? 老實說,我們不知道,但佩戴者肯定有他們自己的一套說法。

与精灵结合

我們前文提到宋卡人與精靈結合的古老習俗,該習俗根源可追溯到 300-400 年前。 習俗集中在一座古老的寺廟瓦瑪孟佛寺。 這座寺廟建於公元前 2299 年左右, 它位於宋卡府辛哈納空區薩定模分區的辦孟姆鎮,隸屬大乘僧伽一脈。 那也是【超湄孟通】傳說的發源地, 而傳說有兩個版本,它們如下。

根據第一個版本,超湄孟通是亞產 和塔真 的女兒,她捐贈了建造她房屋的土地用於建造一座寺廟,死後,她多次出現在村民面前,告訴他們她居住在寺廟大院的那棵巨大的芒果樹內。 她身著的傳統服飾,手鐲、腳鍊、項鍊和髮簪等全是由黃金製作而成,因此村民稱她為【湄孟通】,字面意思是“金芒果媽媽”。 當村民們開始向芒果樹供養時,她便為村民治癒各種疾病和疾苦。

第二個版本記載在宋卡與文化之書, 據說:“那空是貪瑪叻省省長的女兒被強盜俘虜,被搶劫殺害,屍體被藏在一個大芒果樹幹的空洞中。該女後來奇蹟般地反覆出現,直到村民開始尊重並獻祭 她。”

超湄孟通多次出現在村民面前,讓他們看到和夢到,讓他們知道她居住在 瓦瑪孟佛寺內的大芒果樹裡。 隨後,村民們便開始在大芒果樹前獻祭趙湄孟通。 村民們最獨特的感恩文化是願望實現後便與超湄孟通結合。

然而,與精靈結合的起源記載卻不詳。 有人說,這可能歸因於中國移民的做法,因為中國人有個迷信,如果家裡的孩子得了重病,不如【奉獻】孩子,讓他成為神靈的傳人,即讓孩子成為神靈的【契囝】或【契查某囝】。 因此,演變成要使家庭與精靈有親戚關係,就必須舉行婚禮。

不知何故,這種儀式漸漸變成了一種習俗,即一個已經成熟但尚未出家做和尚之前的男人(泰國習俗,男孩子成年後必須短暫出家),都必須與 湄孟通 結婚。 然而,這與 弓蕉鬼有關的低級巫術大不相同,在宋卡拉人與精靈結合的儀式下,並不存有骯髒和低賤的性幻想,即使與 湄孟通 結合後,男人仍然可以像正常人一樣娶一個真正的女人為妻,而不會遭到湄孟通的報復。 因此,與 湄孟通結合就變成一個必須通過的家族傳承儀式。 和 湄孟通結合的婚禮方式與正常的人之間的婚禮相同,但是,只能在週二和週六舉行。 另一個獨特的現象是新郎必須穿著傳統服裝並攜帶匕首, 舉行傳統的【堪嗎】遊行。 儀式結束時,村裡的每一個人都會分得一碗粉絲湯。 順便說一句,如果一個女人得到了湄孟通的幫助,她也會打扮成男人和美孟通舉行婚禮。

局外人傾向於將這種習俗視為純粹的迷信, 然而,在社會學家的觀點,這種看似【怪異】的風俗實際上是社會凝聚力的體現,也是定居在辛哈納空區的各種種族和宗教的融合。 在泰國記者協會發表的一篇文章中,社會學家勸告評論家在做出任何價值判斷之前,要超越表面,深入研究宋卡府的歷史和人口統計數據,尤其是辦孟姆鎮。 經過深入觀察和分析便會發現,與精靈結合的婚禮是不同種族各種傳統的融合,比如新郎的服飾代表上部座佛教和泰國人,新郎手持的匕首【克里斯】是伊斯蘭教的象徵, 粉絲湯是中國人的食物等等。 因此,習俗本身俱有豐富的社會文化底蘊,而非表面看來的迷信。

Thai Amulets: Value and Economy


REGALIA BUDDHIST CULTURAL CENTRE 聚佛樓
·SUNDAY, OCTOBER 18, 2020·READING TIME: 8 MINUTES

Be it in Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, or anywhere else (with the exception of Thailand), a common question oftentimes surfaces in the mind of some people and that is “Do Thai amulets really cost that much?” We have been answering this question repeatedly especially within a lesser Thai accustomed environment such as Taiwan. Therefore, in this article, we will explore the value and economy of Thai amulets. In this article, we will briefly provide readers the underlying value and economic influences from a Thai perspective. For those who are interested in a detailed analysis on the subject matter may refer to the thesis of Professor Nattapon Yurungruangsak titled “Buddha Amulets and Thai Society from World War II to 2007 AD: A Study of Beliefs, Forms and Buddhist Commerce.”

The Thai Perspective

Like any other product, the original pricing of Thai amulets inevitably begin with production costs which include design, moulding, raw materials, packing, wages, taxes and et cetera. Next will be the costs of consecration ceremonies followed by advertising costs. Finally, an intended amount to be raised will be added to derive the final product pricing.

A simple calculation as follow is often used:

a + b / c = x

a = production costs

b = amount to be raised

c = units produced

Therefore, anything rented for below value x is questionable.However, the moment an amulet enters the market various extrinsic factors will influence its value. There are four major factors, namely, popularity, age, uniqueness, and economy.

Somdej Pair Phan, Luang Por Pair of Wat Pitkoonthong

There are many factors that can contribute to the popularity of a particular amulet and the most outstanding is the reputation of originating temple and/or monk. This is similar to brand name. For examples, for the past three decades, amulets from Luang Phor Pae, Luang Phor Pern, and Luang Phor Koon have received closed to frantic popularity. We remember 30 years ago, a Somdej Pair Phan 2510 was merely ฿10,000 but it now costs at least ฿200,000 to ฿300,000.

Somdej Wat Paknam

Another factor contributing to an amulet’s popularity may include escape from death. On this point, Somdej Wat Paknam just have too many reported life incidents associated with escape from death so much so that Thais formulated a sally saying “If have Wat Paknam with you, in the water, you won’t die, on land, won’t die, in the air, won’t die. Fortune does not run out.” These have driven the prices for the first three batches of Somdej Wat Paknam skyrocketing.

Other contributing factors include great charismatic effect, good businesses, prosperity, and vocational progress.

Age

Somdej Wat Rahkang

Thai amulets are like antiques and their value increases with age. This may partially be attributed to the fact that as time goes by many amulets of a particular release or batch are either damaged or destroyed resulting in the remaining available number becoming scarce thereby driving demand far above supply. This is especially so when the consecrating monk is exceptionally prominent and popular. The most outstanding in this category are indisputably those Somdej amulets made and consecrated by Phra Phuttachantoh Promarangsi which current value easily begins from seven digit figures onwards. If you think you got a bargain on these series, think twice.

Kruba Srivichai medal 2482

The above Kruba Srivichai Phim Sawng Chai 2482 medal has a currently open market value of ฿500,000 to ฿1,000,000 depending on condition of the amulet.

Uniqueness

Phra Somdej Putthason

The uniqueness of the amulet refers either to the distinction, beauty, and popularity of an amulet or it may indicate the exclusivity of a particular amulet such as special materials, hair from monks, and some serial numbers. For example, the Phra Somdej Putthason of Wat Kao Takroa is sought after for its distinction, beauty, and popularity. The last offer we received for this amulet was ฿3.8 million.

Economy

Finally, the value of Thai amulets is directly tied to the Thai economy and prices fluctuate according to expansion or contraction thereof. When the economy expands, the prices of the amulets increased. This is partly due to more people having the financial capability to afford more expensive amulets thereby pushing up prices. As a result, in part, Thai amulet is an alternative form of investment that can even be speculated or accumulated for sale in future. On this aspect, many of our old customers would have experienced the impact. The price of their purchase 10-20 years ago is only a meagre portion of what they have to pay for a same amulet today.

Industry Value

In 2007, Kasikorn Research Center valued the Thai amulet business at ฿40,000 million which is approximately ฿50,143 million today. With innovation and development in technology, especially with regards to digital advertisements and promotions to reach buyers beyond Thai borders, the value of the entire industry is easily three times much more than the last reported figures.

Personal Value and Satisfaction

In view of the aforementioned, it is difficult for us to pronounce whether Thai amulets are expensive or not. There are obviously no clear standards for comparison. All we can say is that it greatly depends of an individual’s personal value and satisfaction. Let us put it in another way, for example, a continental made automobile such as BMW and Mercedes Benz in contrast to other Asian made automobile may give an individual the same personal value and satisfaction whilst it does not equally produce the same effect for another individual. The situation is even more eminent with Thai amulets since the price range for the same type of amulet is very vast.

Temple Amulets versus Factory Amulets

Phrakherung Khorng Rongngan

The steep pricing of sacred objects originating from temples has also given rise to another huge market known as “phrakherung khorng rongngan” in Thai which literally means “factory amulets.” In the past, these are confined to counterfeit copies of original amulets originating from temples. However, innovation within the business industry has also brought new life-lines to factory amulet market. There have been a group of businesspeople who have came up with ingenious idea and entered into partnership with various less known temples and monks whereby those businesspeople will make amulets in the name of those temples and monks and sell them to especially unsuspecting foreigners at ridiculously cheap prices which are below value x when calculated using the above given formula. Many so-called “special edition” and “limited edition” amulets claimed to have only produced 9 to 19 pieces are been sold at ฿1,000 to ฿2,000 of which price total of all units sold will not even cover the cost of moulding alone. For prices of design and moulding, you may refer to various factories such as Amulet Maker or Pornwasin.

Mould of Amulet extracted from Amuletmaker.com

There are uncountable occasions where amulets are made and sold in the name of specific temples and monks without approval or knowledge from the respective parties. The most recent trend is pot luck gaming of amulets involving “products” from various temples. Such acts are equivalent to gambling and considered an offense to Nissakiyapachitti under the monastic rules. Therefore, prominent monks are unlikely to be involved in such mischief. As such, if you are accosted with such speculation, it is best that you do a search on the relevant monk and temple alleged to be involved in such offense. We have conducted several background searches for such incidents and they all turned out to be opportunists abusing and misusing the names of temples and monks for personal gains without the temple’s or monk’s knowledge. Nonetheless, if such behavior is purely attributable to individual’s sales tactic then we have no comment.

Conclusion

As business-people in the Thai amulet industry, we advise our customers to make their own judgments as to value. We offer different price range temple products catering to the varying demands of our customer and all we can do is explain the reasons behind price differences. The ultimate judgment lies in the hands of our valued customers. Whether should you obtain a high price amulet, a low price amulet, or even a factory made amulet, it all voices down to your personal perception, value, and satisfaction thereof. However, if you are looking for factory amulets, please give us a pass as we do not provide such services. We hope this article will help you better understand the value and economy behind Thai amulets.

The process of Temple Fundraising and Activities

A recent event has prompted us to write this article with regards to temple fundraising in lieu of us having to progressively and repeatedly help answer a stream of enquiries from various parties.

What exactly does temple fundraising means? Generally, it may be defined as a process of which a temple initiates to solicit financial support to accomplish the temple’s specific objective. However, the definition aforementioned is very broad and general and does not explain much about specific processes, the roles of offices and individuals involved there-in-under as well as to the limitations of the entire processes per se. The essence of temple fundraising far transcends mere asking for money. It also reflects the ethical conduct of the particular temple and the ways it imparts religious knowledge and behaviour, how it builds and establishes relationships between the Sangha (monks) and devotees, brings in and retains foundation support as well as how it attracts new donors and followers. In other words, it is a reflection about the overall responsibility and accountability of the temple’s modus operandi. A seemingly simple temple fundraising process actually comprises a complicated web of sub-processes which, if not carried out properly, will open the floodgate to fraud and deception.

We have in the past twenty over years participated in various temple fundraising processes through assuming different roles and obligations within those processes. Each role has its specific set of duties and limitations. In this article, we will share our experiences in pertinence to the process of temple fundraising and hope you will find these information useful.

Financial Sources of Temple

Before we delve into the topic of temple fundraising, allow us to provide you with a general knowledge of the constituents of temple income in Thailand. Most of the temples derive income from the rental of property (temple land) and kiosks (shops and stalls within temple compound) and the sales of religious items such as flowers, incense, candles, offering products, and specifically sacred objects such as amulets and statues. The aforementioned channels of income constitute a temple’s long-term revenue which is usually used for general maintenance of the temple.

Technically, these activities are governed by Ministerial Regulation issued in accordance with the Sangha Act which gave birth to what became known as ‘temple committee’. Nonetheless, both laws do not specify the method of appointment or qualification as well as the authority and duties of office holders thereby indirectly conferring upon the abbot the discretionary power to appoint persons he deems appropriate. In this article, we will not be visiting the benefits and problems arising under such system but suffice to make our ground that an abbot has sole authority to fill the “temple committee” as he deems fit.

Purpose of Temple Fundraising

With a steady flow of income, temple fundraising must, therefore, be confined to the premise of specific purposes that require stipulated amount of money to accomplish, for examples, the restoration of 13th century Chedi in Wat Mahathat Woramahawihan, Nakhon Si Thammarat; the construction of Ubosot and Phra Phrom shrine in Wat Noak, Bangkok; the construction and extension of temple activity compound in Wat Bangplad, Nakhon Pathom and et cetera.

Under such circumstances, a temple will usually organise a range of activities to raise funds to accomplish the specific project. In the process of fundraising, a temple usually forms a network to reach out to potential donors. This network comprises individuals and groups assigned with specific tasks to help the temple accomplish its mission.

Roles and Duties of Individuals in a Fundraising Process

The network of individuals may be broadly categorised into five groups as follows:

(1) temple project committee;

(2) agents;

(3) distributors;

(4) dealers; and

(5) runners.

Temple Committee

Temple committee members formed for the purpose of a project may comprise ad hoc members specifically appointed for their competence for the purpose of fundraising with or without participation of temple’s standing committee. Project committee activities are case specific with objectives concentrating on overall project purposes and specific deliverables in soliciting funds and ensuring funds solicited are efficiently utilised on the said project. In other words, not only do temple project committee members work hand-in-hand with other relevant parties in related processes such as event organisers, advertisers, distributors, dealers and et cetera, they also have access to the books to ensure funds raised are not abused.

The project committee or its members neither solicit donation nor sell sacred objects. However, they may refer potential donors directly to the temple. The status of project committee members dies with the project.

Agents

Agents are directly appointed by the abbot and charged with the responsibility to reach out to a wider community by creating awareness of the temple’s ongoing project so as to gather contributions of money from individuals, businesses, and institutions. Their core duties, amongst other things, include providing donors with correct information, such as the temple’s name and address, the purpose of fundraising, total amount of donation solicited, the means for solicitation, potential dates for commencement and completion of project, arranging for donors to meet up with the abbot or project committee when authentication is being requested and et cetera.

Names and photographs of appointed agents are published in temple’s circulars, newsletters, magazines, brochures, official website or other platforms of communication to preclude impostors from deceiving unsuspecting donors and damaging the temple’s reputation. Agents are the only group among the six authorised to raise cash donation. However, official temple receipts must be issued for cash collected.

The status of agents either die with the project or upon termination by the abbot whichever earlier.

Distributors

This role is usually fulfilled by prominent dealers in the amulet trade. The responsibility of distributors include stockpiling sacred objects specifically made and consecrated for the particular project and distributing them to willing amulet dealers without mark-ups. This is to ensure dealers are not price-disadvantaged. The list of appointed distributors is published by the temple in its brochures and other communication platforms.

The status of distributors expires when stock becomes unavailable.

Dealers

Dealers are businesses seeking profit from the sales of sacred objects and are not directly associated to the temple. Unlike distributors, they are not constrained by temple pricing. Moreover, the advantage of dealers is that they provide a ready and diverse client-base that temples can tap into to raise funds.

Runners

Runners, sometimes also known as petty-dealers, are traditionally individuals who buy in small units either from dealers or direct from temples in the hope to make a profit by selling their purchases to relatives and friends. Currently, runners may also take aim at strangers through the Internet.

Donor’s Rights

A legal fundraising project must necessarily include donor’s rights. What are the donor rights? Of course, donors have many legal and moral rights to pursue, however, there are basically three more obvious and pertinent donor’s rights in relation to temple fundraising. Firstly, a donor has the right to voluntary donation based on true and sincere information with regards to the project. Secondly, a donor must be provided with the venue to seek verification and/or authentication that his donation has been duly received by the temple. Thirdly, a donor may request to witness the progress of a project or see the physical finished product(s) if the fund solicited pertains to specific objects such as statues, murals, and so on.

Was Hong Kong movie star Cecilia Cheung being made a Sucker or has the Ill-Informed Critic Croaked?

In the following clip by Zhongtian News, Taiwan, it was reported that Hong Kong movie star Cecilia Cheung rented an antique Phra Somdej amulet for NT600, 000 and which had brought Cecilia Cheung tremendous career luck. However, according to the news anchor, an expert in Thai amulets pronounced that an antique Phra Somdej amulet does not command that kind of value Cecilia Cheung had paid for. Master Tan provided a thorough response and exposed the shoddy culture behind Taiwan’s news reporting…

Generally, an informed critic is a person who possesses profound knowledge in a specific field albeit not necessarily having to be a specialist in the said field but suffice that he is able to assess, evaluate, and communicate an objectively informed opinion or critique about a subject matter, for example, social or government policy. Do take note that I stipulated “profound knowledge” and not “specialized knowledge” although the latter may be preferable otherwise any opinion delivered stands the risk of being ill-informed and stupid if not misleading. These minimum criterions for criticism are necessary to invoke a judicious application of the mental faculty through examination of sensation by deliberation which in turn allow for a distinction to be drawn between a critique and a rant.

Pursuant to the afore-mentioned, there are inevitably many “critics” who adopt title inflation in order to justify their criticism as informed opinions. For example, here in Taiwan, there is a profuse and loose use of the term “師” which literally means a “master”, “teacher’, or “expert” and it is not surprising to hear plumbers, tilers, cooks, and et cetera being addressed as “師”. With as much looseness as the use of the term “師” there is also a liberal use of the term “評論家” or critic which is why we are seeing abundant commentary programs and commentary news (評論節目) here that is of entertaining quality more than knowledgeable deliberation. Inevitably, we too are seeing such title inflation and ill-informed commentary taking a toll on Thai Buddhism here.

The above is a Taiwan news clip by Zhongtian News on a Phra Buddha Somdej amulet rented for NT600, 000 by Hong Kong movie star Cecilia Cheung. It was reported that that Somdej amulet had brought Cecilia Cheung tremendous career luck. In the course of the broadcasting, an expert in Thai Buddhism was also introduced.

It was claimed therein that the particular Somdej amulet rented by Cecilia Cheung is 140 over years of age thereby implying it is possibly the last batch of Phra Buddha Somdej amulet made and consecrated by His Venerable Somdej Phra Buddhachantoh Promarangsi. However, the news reader Liu Yingxiu made a closing statement with a claim that according to expert an antique Somdej amulet does not worth that much of money.

His Venerable Somdej Phra Buddhachantoh Promaragsi

What is the relevance of us sharing this piece of “news” here? Well, it is a general knowledge of Thai Buddhists and Thai amulet collectors that a genuine Somdej amulet made by Somdej Phra Buddhachantoh Promaragsi easily fetch a market price of more than a million baht which is equivalent to more than NT920, 000 and amulets with a price tag of NT500, 000 are just too common. Therefore, that piece of “news” not only highlights the abuse of title inflation, it also underscores the essence of fake news.

NT1.4 million Somdet amulets

The above are photographs taken by our Mr David Tan on 5th June 2013 in Wat Kiat Chayeo which he immediately uploaded to our Facebook and shared them with our valued customers. The asking prices of those Somdej amulets were explicitly shown in the photograph and it was 1.5 million Baht each which is approximately equivalent to NT1.4 million. It was a rare opportunity to catch a glimpse of a genuine antique Somdej amulet of that category and above.

Somdej LP Chung

To-date, we have rented out numerous high-ends Somdej amulets from prominent temples including but not limiting to Wat Rahkang, Wat Mai Amatarot, Wat Kiat Chayeo, Wat Pitkulthong, Wat Natangnok, and et cetera with prices costing more than NT300, 000 – NT500, 000. The piece of news from Zhongtian News and their expert’s opinion is so funny that we took the liberty to share it here just for a laugh! So what do you think? Feel free to express your opinion here.